The rise of Al Qaeda, religious militancy and terrorism Essay

The rise of Al Qaeda, religious militancy and terrorism - Essay Example According to Marshall McLuhan, one of the pillars of mass media theory, â€Å"without communication, terrorism would not exist.† Certainly, terrorism existed well before mass media; but the latter definitely gave the former a great advantage. Before, terrorism is limited to the area that goons, thugs or soldiers can reach. Today, one can just create a newsworthy event and the scope of exposure is limitless. This was what bin Laden and al-Qaeda exploited. He saw that mass media can be used â€Å"to get attention, to gain recognition, and even to obtain a certain degree of respect and legitimacy†. It can be said that al-Qaeda’s rise to power were determined by how bin Laden used the media to get his message across to the world. He knew that his organization needed an international audience to gain legitimacy; because without it, he would not be able to get funding and recruitment would be more difficult to accomplish. With malicious precision in manipulating the me dia, bin Laden was able to propel al-Qaeda as an organization that the world needs to take seriously. Hoffman states that terrorists, as exemplified by bin Laden, aims to dominate and control by sending a message of fear—and there is no better way to instill fear to the masses than through the media. Bin Laden recognized that when the masses are afraid for their lives, it propagates uncertainty and chaos, not only to a large population, but more importantly, to the nations’ democratic leaders.... 5). Hoffman (as cited in Fiore, 2011, p. 27) states that terrorists, as exemplified by bin Laden, aims to dominate and control by sending a message of fear—and there is no better way to instill fear to the masses than through the media. But why instill fear? Bin Laden recognized that when the masses are afraid for their lives, it propagates uncertainty and chaos, not only to a large population, but more importantly, to the nations’ democratic leaders (p. 27; Soriano, 2008, p. 2). â€Å"This instability can prompt people, and even governments, to think and react differently than they would have otherwise,† making them lean towards making decisions that would favor al-Qaeda (p. 27). Aside from exploiting this strategy, al-Qaeda also became infamous for making good on their threats and doing it in a visual manner that would gain the most attention and implant the most fear and hatred. The organization’s attacks were powerful in that it was grand yet personal, vast yet meaningful. This can perfectly be seen in the 9/11 attacks, in which the entire world was treated to a visual overload of exploding buildings—the World Trade Center and the Pentagon, no less—planes crashing, and hundreds of people dying or jumping to their deaths. Every channel for the next few days—and even years—broadcasted the attacks. The attacks were large-scale, in a country considered to be a world power, against a building that is a symbol of international collaboration, and they came at a time the world least expected them. The attention al-Qaeda got was monumental. If people were not aware of the existence of al-Qaeda, they sure were made aware on the morning of September 11, 2001. And the message was clear and powerful.

Comparing any variable, between any two cultures (either ones weve Research Paper

Comparing any variable, between any two cultures (either ones weve discussed in class, or preferably other cultures not dealt with in class - Research Paper Example Since the symbol has to be understood by the public in order to carry meaning but is still used to reinforce or question understandings, there is an interactive cause and effect relationship involved in each symbol. Using semiotic analysis on a single cultural symbol, such as the apple, can reveal how different worldviews can be shaped in different cultures. Semiotics can be defined as an examination of symbols to discover its meaning at various levels. â€Å"Semiology therefore aims to take in any system of signs, whatever their substance and limits; images, gestures, musical sounds, objects, and the complex associations of all these, which form the content of ritual, convention or public entertainment: these constitute, if not languages, at least systems of signification† (Barthes, 1964). The concept of semiotics considers how symbols combine to target a specific group and to convey meaning to them. Analysis breaks images down into signifiers, signified and sign. David Chandler (2006) defines the signifier as â€Å"the form which the sign takes† and the signified as â€Å"the concept it represents.† The ‘sign’ is the meaning that emerges. This meaning provides clues, in the form of denotation and connotation, as to the culture’s dominant worldview. It has been determined that for every symbol, there is some further meaning and often the possibility for multiple interpretations. Denotation and connotation communicate about the ideological myth behind the message. These ideas are best explored by analyzing a symbol such as the apple. Within a Christian-dominated culture, including the modern-day Greek culture, the symbol of the apple has an instant connotation of temptation, evil and destruction. These ideas are conveyed early through stories such as popular children’s shows. As is discussed by Trish Carden (2005), Disney’s production of

Intellectual Property & Technology Transfer Case Study

Intellectual Property & Technology Transfer - Case Study Example This was in respect to 'chemical products for sanitary and medical use, medicines, pharmaceutical drugs and preparations' 'cosmetics perfumes, soaps and shampoos were applied in respect of Class 3. This application got on air in the Trade Marks Journal right next year that is January 2007. The well reputed company that opposed the application was Lloyd's Preparations Ltd. ('Lloyd's). The point behind the opposition was that it already had a registered trade mark for 'ECZIDERM', registered in Class 5 and not only this but it was also registered for 'all use in the treatment of eczema pharmaceutical preparations and substances'. This registration had the number 1075423 and the filing date was12 June 1989 that is far older than the new application and they had made a name in the sales. In 2003 Lloyd's had also registered a corresponding trade mark in France for 'ECZIDERM'. The first and most important point that arises is that a well reputed company which has been using a brand for years has the right to go against any other company who is trying to use their name. It was directly effecting the reputation of the brand and the company. Apart from law it is a thing of common sense that no company would ever at any cost bear the name of their company being used by others in any way. The opposition was made on provision of the Trade Marks Act 1994. ... It was launched long a go. Many products that had the mark ECZIDERM were regularly being exhibited at British Association of Dermatologists annual meetings. Not only this but also they were advertised in medical publications including, 'Chemist and Druggist' 'British Journal of Dermatology' and 'General Practitioner'. These were the most popular and widely read journals. If the trade mark would have been re-registered it would go against the section 3(1)(a) law. Lloyd's had been spending approximately 250,000 on publicity and sponsorship of products over the last three years. This was not only spent on products that had the trade mark ECZIDERM but also on the use of sales representatives. Lloyd's ECZIDERM products have been upheld straight away to doctors with the help of sales representatives and also by mailing directly. So the brand or the trade mark was not to be used again in the same contexts. The second objection raised by opponents was that of section 3(6) - 'the application was made in bad faith'. The main reason for the rhyming trade marks was to get rapid fame of the product by using the name of other company. The evidence is that the sales of Lloyd's were made in all chief rural and urban cities all around UK. Lloyd's had already used registration of ECZIDERM as a trade mark in the UK. So this name had already earned considerable support and reputation, if the other rhyming product was launched, it would have got false fame by betrayal of people. It had earned so much fame that the mark ECZIDERM had also been entitled to protection under the Paris Convention for the quality of being well known. Hffner GmbH had probably applied for the trade mark EXIMED intentionally to take advantage of the well known repute of the previous mark

Literacy Plan Essay Example for Free

Literacy Plan Essay As I am starting to learn the basics of how to become an effective teacher, I am learning what type of teacher I am and what type of teacher I want to be. Growing up, aspiring to be a teacher, I never thought teachers had to learn how to do some methods I have seen. For example, teachers always knew how to capture the students’ attention again after the children would get off task. I thought this skill came naturally to teachers and I would obtain it with time. On my adventure of this learning process of becoming a teacher, I have learned this skill is something you learn how to do and there are many other skills to learn along the way. These skills and methods come from multiple studies and research done by theorists over the decades. Learning all these theories at first was overwhelming, but over time I got a grasp on the basics of just a few theorists and their theories. There are so many researchers that have put their opinions out in the open for teachers to take into account and work from. There is Vygotsky, Cambourne, Holdaway, Piaget, Skinner, and Dewey just to name a few! After acquiring this basic knowledge of some theories, I have come to realize that there is one theorist’s methods I agree with the most when it comes to teaching literacy. This theorist is Brian Cambourne. Cambourne is an educational anthropologist from Australia who has emphasized his research in literacy learning. He has come up with many conditions pertaining to literacy learning. His theory compliments my beliefs the best, compared to the other theories I have learned about. I believe in having students experience different types of literature. This process allows students to become familiar with different ways of writing, and how to say things in many different ways. This also gives them a chance to figure out what style of language they like best and grasp an idea of what type of literacy come easiest to them. When students understand more types of literacy, it vastly opens up their range of vocabulary that can only benefit them in the future. This condition of students exploring all types of literacy is what Cambourne calls immersion and I find it to be a step that does not seem to be obvious to children. I feel students do not know when they are looking at different types of literacy. I believe in making an effort in explaining what type of material the students are reading from, rather than just handing them something and telling them to read it. This is the reason why I believe demonstration is the next big important process. Demonstration is a very important step in my eyes for literacy learning. Demonstration is modeling literate behaviors, formally and informally (Cambourne). I personally am a visual learner and prefer to have the teacher model what I am going to do before I have to employ it on my own. When a model was not available to me, I would become stressed and overwhelmed with this feeling of not knowing what I am doing. I do not want my students to become frustrated when they are reading and writing; I want them to enjoy it and be excited about it. Therefore, when I become a teacher, I especially want to practice Cambourne’s condition of demonstration by having a whole group lesson in order to formally demonstrate for my students. This can be done while the students are at their desks, but I believe having this process done in a carpet area reminds students that what I, the teacher, am about to say is important to hear. Also, I believe in the saying, â€Å"monkey see, monkey do. † Therefore, I believe a teacher should always speak proper grammar, self-correct, and demonstrate reading strategies at all times in front of the children because they are going to mimic what they hear and see the most by the adults in their lives. After a demonstration is complete, I believe an expectation of what the students should know is built. Cambourne believes this condition of expectation is that the students â€Å"get the message†. I believe that if a teacher’s demonstration was done correctly, the students will know that information and the teacher can expect them to know it. Not only does expectation build, but I believe the responsibility the student has for knowing what him/herself can accomplish grows. This process of being responsible for their own learning, I believe, does not come naturally. I think the teacher must allow these students to take on these responsibilities themselves. For example, if a teacher never lets a student choose their own book, that student will never gain the responsibility of knowing what books are right for him or her or learn how to pick the right kind of book for him or her. Learners will choose what they will explore intellectually as they go through literate behaviors (Cambourne). Once students have become aware of the skills that are being demonstrated to them, I believe the next important step is allowing students time to practice what they have learned. Cambourne calls this condition employment. I am a strong believer in â€Å"practice makes perfect†. I understand that nothing is perfect and there is always room for improvement. So maybe â€Å"practice provides improvement† is a better quote to go by. A learner will never become better at what they are learning if it is not practiced. With students practicing what they have learned, mistakes happen. This condition is what Cambourne calls approximation. I believe it is a good thing to let the learners make mistakes as they are exploring literacy because they will only learn from it! I know that when I become a teacher, I want to stress that making mistakes is okay and will benefit anyone because they will only learn from it. I could even purposely make mistakes in order to model self-correction as well. But learners will only understand their mistake when feedback is given in a timely fashion. Coming to Alverno, I have probably received the most feedback I ever have here compared to the rest of my educational career. I have come to firmly believe that feedback provides new knowledge for learners because it brings another perspective into their personal work. My feelings about feedback correspond with Cambourne’s condition called response. He believes this feedback should come from someone with more knowledge, such as a teacher. I want to make sure I conference with each of my students, individually, in order to look over what they have been working with and provide timely, appropriate feedback. I feel these conferences build a student’s confidence by being told what they are doing well, and they get to understand what kind of mistakes they are making in order to fix them and grow. After reading over Cambourne’s theory, there was nothing I could not agree with. I remember while I was reading it, all I could say was, â€Å"yes, yes, and yes! † I do have to say developing my philosophy about literacy learning was a challenge. I feel like I am still developing my philosophy, but I have a grasp on my basic beliefs for my future teaching career. I know what kind of teacher I would like to be and when reading Cambourne’s theory I could picture myself doing each condition and feeling proud by teaching literacy in such a way.

Rhythmic Foundations, and the Necessary Aesthetic in Peirce’s Categories :: Philosophy Philosophical Papers

Rhythmic Foundations, and the Necessary Aesthetic in Peirce’s Categories ABSTRACT: There has been a tendency in scholarship to steer quite clear of discussions of Peirce and Aesthetics, and I believe that the main reason that Peirce’s works lacks, perhaps even intentionally, a clear aesthetic theory is because his entire architectonic of experience is aesthetically founded. This thesis is based, in part, on the necessary aesthetic descriptions one is forced to use when describing something such as the categories. For example, Secondness necessarily elicits aesthetic descriptions of relations and tensions, Thirdness is described most accurately with words such as harmony and arrangement, and the process by which we come to attain a belief is an "aesthetic" endeavor aimed at satisfaction. Focusing particularly on the categories, and secondarily on the method for attaining belief, I hope to show that Peirce’s foundation is, itself, an aesthetic awareness of life. There has been a tendency to steer quite clear of discussions of Peirce and Aesthetics. Over and over, statements by Peircean scholars attest to the lack of philosophical guidance regarding the status and judgment of art that is available in his writings.(1) Peirce himself states that, "My notion would be that there are innumerable varieties of esthetic quality, but no purely esthetic grade of excellence."(2) Doug Anderson also states that a Peircean aesthetic is hard to piece together because it was a "very late addition to Peirce’s classification of the sciences." That is, even though aesthetics is presupposed by ethics, logic, and metaphysics, in Peirce’s prioritization of the sciences, his intention was that aesthetics was to be understood through the work he had already done in the other branches of his system.(3) This vagueness hasn’t, however, prevented scholars from speculating on the aesthetic in Peirce’s works. Yet even so, we are still faced with many problems. First is the "paleontological reconstruction", as Herman Parret states, of the various minuscule references by Peirce regarding the aesthetic. Second, it is claimed that if any approach to a Peircean aesthetic is going to be worthwhile, it will probably be too large to handle because it must incorporate his views on logic, metaphysics and theology.(4) Third, as pointed out by Beverly Kent, Peirce seems to conflate two senses of the aesthetic, where it is both a quality that is immediately present and an ultimate ideal.(5) I will argue that the main reason that Peirce’s works lacks, perhaps even intentionally, a clear aesthetic theory is because his depiction of experience is aesthetically founded.

Food Dyes

Purpose of food coloring People associate certain colors with certain flavors, and the color of food can influence the perceived flavor in anything from candy to wine. [2] Sometimes the aim is to simulate a color that is perceived by the consumer as natural, such as adding red coloring to glace cherries (which would otherwise be beige), but sometimes it is for effect, like the green ketchup that Heinz launched in 1999.Color additives are used in foods for many reasons including:[3] offset color loss due to exposure to light, air, temperature extremes, moisture and storage conditions correct natural variations in color enhance colors that occur naturally provide color to colorless and â€Å"fun† foods Color additives are recognized as an important part of many foods we eat. [4] [edit]Regulation Food colorings are tested for safety by various bodies around the world and sometimes different bodies have different views on food color safety.In the United States, FD&C numbers (which indicate that the FDA has approved the colorant for use in foods, drugs and cosmetics) are given to approved synthetic food dyes that do not exist in nature, while in the European Union, E numbers are used for all additives, both synthetic and natural, that are approved in food applications. The food colors are known by E numbers that begin with a 1, such as E100 (turmeric) or E161b (lutein). [5] Most other countries have their own regulations and list of food colors which can be used in various applications, including maximum daily intake limits.Natural colors are not required to be certified by a number of regulatory bodies throughout the world, including the United States FDA. The FDA lists â€Å"color additives exempt from certification† for food in subpart A of the Code of Federal Regulations – Title 21 Part 73. However, this list contains substances which may have synthetic origins. FDA's permitted colors are classified as subject to certification or exempt from certification, both of which are subject to rigorous safety standards prior to their approval and listing for use in foods. Certified colors are ynthetically produced and are used widely because they impart an intense, uniform color, are less expensive, and blend more easily to create a variety of hues. There are nine certified color additives approved for use in the United States. Certified food colors generally do not add undesirable flavors to foods. Colors that are exempt from certification include pigments derived from natural sources such as vegetables, minerals or animals. Nature derived color additives are typically more expensive than certified colors and may add unintended flavors to foods.Examples of exempt colors include annatto, beet extract, caramel, beta-carotene and grape skin extract. [edit]Natural food dyes Natural food colors can make a variety of different hues A growing number of natural food dyes are being commercially produced, partly due to consumer concerns surrounding synthetic dyes. Some examples include: Caramel coloring (E150), made from caramelized sugar Annatto (E160b), a reddish-orange dye made from the seed of the achiote. Chlorophyllin (E140), a green dye made from chlorella algae Cochineal (E120), a red dye derived from the cochineal insect, Dactylopius coccus Betanin (E162) extracted from beetsTurmeric (curcuminoids, E100) Saffron (carotenoids, E160a) Paprika (E160c) Lycopene (E160d) Elderberry juice Pandan (Pandanus amaryllifolius), a green food coloring Butterfly pea (Clitoria ternatea), a blue food dye To ensure reproducibility, the colored components of these substances are often provided in highly purified form, and for increased stability and convenience, they can be formulated in suitable carrier materials (solid and liquids). Hexane, acetone and other solvents break down cell walls in the fruit and vegetables and allow for maximum extraction of the coloring.Residues of these often remain in the finished product, but they do not need to be declared on the product; this is because they are part of a group of substances known as carry-over ingredients. Natural food colors, due to their organic nature, can sometimes cause allergic reactions and anaphylactic shock in sensitive individuals. Coloring agents known to be potential hazards include annatto, cochineal and carmine. [citation needed] [edit]Artificial coloring [edit]In the United States Seven dyes were initially approved under the Pure Food and Drug Act of 1906, but several have been delisted and replacements have been found. 6] Some of the food colorings have the abbreviation â€Å"FCF† in their names. This stands for â€Å"For Coloring Food† (US)[7] or â€Å"For Colouring of Food† (UK). [8][9] [edit]Current seven In the US, the following seven artificial colorings are permitted in food (the most common in bold) as of 2007: FD Blue No. 1 – Brilliant Blue FCF, E133 (blue shade) FD Blue No. 2 – Indigotine, E 132 (indigo shade) FD Green No. 3 – Fast Green FCF, E143 (turquoise shade) FD Red No. 40 – Allura Red AC, E129 (red shade) FD Red No. 3 – Erythrosine, E127 (pink shade, commonly used in glace cherries)[10] FD Yellow No. 5 – Tartrazine, E102 (yellow shade)FD Yellow No. 6 – Sunset Yellow FCF, E110 (orange shade) [edit]Limited use The following dyes are only allowed by the FDA for specific limited applications: Orange B (red shade) – allowed only for use in hot dog and sausage casings. Citrus Red 2 (orange shade) – allowed only for use to color orange peels. [edit]Delisted and banned FD Red No. 2 – Amaranth FD Red No. 4[11][12] FD Red No. 32 was used to color Florida oranges. [6][11] FD Orange Number 1 was one of the first water soluble dyes to be commercialized, and one of seven original food dyes allowed under the Pure Food and Drug Act of June 30, 1906. 6][11] FD Orange No. 2 was used to color Florida oranges. [6] FD Yellow No. 1, 2, 3, and 4[11] FD Violet No. 1[11] [edit]Other Locations As stated above, most other countries have their own regulations and list of food colors which can be used in various applications, including maximum daily intake limits. In the EU, E numbers 102-143 cover the range of artificial colors. For an overview of currently allowed additives see here. Some artificial dyes approved for food use in the EU include: Quinoline Yellow: E104 Carmoisine: E122 Ponceau 4R: E124 Patent Blue V: E131 Green S: E142 [edit]Dyes and lakesColor additives are available for use in food as either â€Å"dyes† or lake pigments (commonly known as â€Å"lakes†). Dyes dissolve in water, but are not soluble in oil. Dyes are manufactured as powders, granules, liquids or other special purpose forms. They can be used in beverages, dry mixes, baked goods, confections, dairy products, pet foods, and a variety of other products. Dyes also have side effects which lakes do not, including the fact tha t large amounts of dyes ingested can color stools. Lakes are made by combining dyes with salts to make insoluble compounds. Lakes tint by dispersion.Lakes are not oil soluble, but are oil dispersible. Lakes are more stable than dyes and are ideal for coloring products containing fats and oils or items lacking sufficient moisture to dissolve dyes. Typical uses include coated tablets, cake and doughnut mixes, hard candies and chewing gums, lipsticks, soaps, shampoos, talc, etc. [edit]Other uses Because food dyes are generally safer to use than normal artists' dyes and pigments, some artists have used food coloring as a means of making pictures, especially in forms such as body-painting. Red food dye is often used in theatrical blood.Most artificial food colorings are a type of acid dye, and can be used to dye protein fibers and nylon with the addition of an acid. They are all washfast and most are also lightfast. They will not permanently bond to plant fibers and other synthetics. [13 ] [edit]Criticism and health implications Though past research showed no correlation between attention-deficit hyperactivity disorder (ADHD) and food dyes,[14][15] new studies now point to synthetic preservatives and artificial coloring agents as aggravating ADD and ADHD symptoms, both in those affected by these disorders and in the general population. 16][17] Older studies were inconclusive, quite possibly due to inadequate clinical methods of measuring offending behavior. Parental reports were more accurate indicators of the presence of additives than clinical tests. [18] Several major studies show academic performance increased and disciplinary problems decreased in large non-ADD student populations when artificial ingredients, including artificial colors, were eliminated from school food programs. [19][20] Norway banned all products containing coal tar and coal tar derivatives in 1978. New legislation lifted this ban in 2001 after EU regulations.Tartrazine causes hives in less t han 0. 01% of those exposed to it. [21] Erythrosine is linked to thyroid tumors in rats. [22] Cochineal, also known as carmine, is derived from insects and therefore is not vegan, vegetarian or kosher. This criticism originated during the 1950s. In effect, many foods that used dye (such as red velvet cake) became less popular. [citation needed] Brilliant Blue (BBG) food coloring was cited in a recent study in which rats that had suffered a spinal injury were given an injection of the dye immediately after the injury, and were able to regain or retain motor control.BBG helps protect spine from ATP (adenosine triphosphate), which the body sends to the area after a spinal injury, which further damages the spine by killing motor neurons at the site of the injury. [23] Research by King Feisal University points that the use of synthetic color in various foods has adverse effects on some of biochemical analysis, specifically at high concentration and administration for along periods of tim e. Changes in liver and kidney histopathological structure and increases in white blood cell count indicated that inflammation is specific to certain colorants. [24]

The Wider Application of vertical roller mill

Vertical roller mill occupies an essential place from the non-ferrous metal production, and this kind of tools is utilized to sinter and roast ore, ore concentrate and intermediate merchandise. The dimension with the kiln is among the primary indicators to present its production capability. With all the vigorous improvement with the non-ferrous metallurgy sector in China, far more and more vertical roller mills and larger and greater specifications are desired. The initial step of metallurgy should be to create aluminum oxide.In alumina oxide production with sintering process, we need to first create the raw materials compounded by bauxite, limestone and alkali into clinker. The sintering process is completed within the vertical roller mill whose inner temperature is 1300;C. The final phase of aluminum oxide manufacturing is to roast aluminum hydroxide into alumina oxide. The inner temperature is about There really are a good deal of wastes in aluminum production – red mud, th at's primarily applied to produce the red mud moment.So there's generally a large-scale red mud cement plant near alumina oxide manufacturing producer with sintering process. The vertical roller mill is the primary products to sinter cement clinker and has become widely used in cement, metallurgy and chemical marketplace. This vertical roller mill is largely composed of rotary physique, supporting gadget, belt wheel, transmission device, movable kiln head, sealing device, burning gadget, and so on and has rewards like basic construction, beatable functioning and controllable processing.Additionally It Is utilized to sinter clay, limestone and slang. In the non-ferrous and ferrous metallurgy, the vertical roller mill is adopted to sinter resources like Iron, aluminum, copper, zinc, tin, nickel, tungsten, chromium, file, and so forth. By way of example, we will sinter aluminum hydroxide Into alumina oxide and generate pellet ore for blast furnace Rainmaking. In the vertical roller mil l system, we are able to use vertical roller mill to conduct generating roast to lean Iron ore and make It modify from weak magnetic to sturdy magnetic, which Is helpful for magnetic separating.In environmental protection process, we will use vertical roller mill to Incinerate the unsafe wastes and recognize their harmlessness and recycle. Http://www. Slaughterer. Com/products/grandly- mill/lump-alternate-vertical-roller-mill. HTML The Wider Application of vertical roller mill in Nonferrous Metallurgy By Livingston reputable functioning and controllable processing.Additionally it is utilized to sinter ill is adopted to sinter resources like iron, aluminum, copper, zinc, tin, nickel, hydroxide into alumina oxide and generate pellet ore for blast furnace rainmaking. Magnetized roast to lean iron ore and make it modify from weak magnetic to sturdy magnetic, which is helpful for magnetic separating. In environmental protection process, we will use vertical roller mill to incinerate the unsafe wastes and recognize their harmlessness and recycle.

MOVE Philadelphia Bombing History and Fallout

MOVE Philadelphia Bombing History and Fallout On Monday, May 13, 1985, a Pennsylvania State Police helicopter dropped two bombs on a Philadelphia house where members of the MOVE black liberation organization lived. The resulting fire grew out of control, resulting in the deaths of 11 people, including five children, and the destruction of 65 area homes. An independent investigation  of the event heaped criticism on the city’s administration and at least for a time earned Philadelphia an unwanted reputation as â€Å"the city that bombed itself.†Ã‚   Fast Facts: MOVE Bombing Description:  Philadelphia police bomb the home of the MOVE black liberation organization, killing 11 and destroying dozens of homes.Date:  May 13, 1985Location:  Philadelphia, PennsylvaniaKey Participants: John Africa (Vincent Leaphart), James J. Ramp, Wilson Goode, Gregore Sambor, Ramona Africa About MOVE and John Africa MOVE  is a Philadelphia-based black liberation group founded in 1972 by  John Africa, the assumed name of Vincent Leaphart. Not an acronym, the group’s name, MOVE, was chosen by John Africa to reflect the group’s true intentions. Living in a communal arrangement and often associated with the  Black Power  movement,  MOVE mixes the beliefs of  black nationalism,  Pan-Africanism, and  anarcho-primitivism  in advocating for the return to a  hunter-gatherer society  devoid of modern technology and medicine. Originally called the Christian Movement for Life, MOVE, as it did in 1972, identifies itself as being deeply religious and devoted to a belief in the independence and ethical treatment of all living creatures. â€Å"Everything thats alive moves. If it didnt, it would be stagnant, dead,† states MOVE’s founding charter, â€Å"The Guidelines,† created by John Africa. Like many of his contemporaries, the charismatic John Africa wore his hair in dreadlocks in keeping with the Caribbean  Rastafari  religion. In a show of loyalty to what they considered their true home, his followers also chose to change their last names to â€Å"Africa.† In 1978, most of MOVE’s members had moved into a row house in the predominately African-American Powelton Village area of West Philadelphia. It was here that the group’s numerous loud public demonstrations for racial justice and animal rights angered their neighbors and ultimately led to violent confrontations with Philadelphia police. The 1978 Shootout and the Move 9 In 1977, complaints from neighbors about MOVE’s lifestyle and bullhorn-amplified protests had led the police to obtain a court order requiring the group to vacate their Powelton Village compound. When informed of the order, MOVE members agreed to turn in their firearms and leave peacefully if their members arrested during the demonstrations were first released from jail. While the police complied with the demand, MOVE refused to vacate their house or give up their weapons. Nearly a year later, the standoff took a violent turn. On August 8, 1978, when police arrived at the MOVE compound to execute the court order, a shootout erupted during which Philadelphia Police Officer James J. Ramp was fatally shot in the back of his neck. MOVE denied responsibility for Officer Ramp’s death, claiming that although he was shot in the back of the neck he had been facing their house at the time. During the nearly hour-long standoff, five firefighters, seven police officers, three MOVE members, and three bystanders were also injured. Since known as the MOVE Nine, MOVE members Merle, Phil, Chuck, Michael, Debbie, Janet, Janine, Delbert, and Eddie Africa were convicted of third-degree murder in the death of Officer Ramp. Sentenced to up to 100 years in jail, they were all denied  parole  in 2008. MOVE Recovers and Relocates By 1981, MOVE had recovered from the 1978 shootout and relocated its growing membership into a house at 6221 Osage Avenue in Cobbs Creek, a predominantly African American middle-class subdivision in West Philadelphia. After turning the home into a virtually bulletproof fortress, MOVE began blasting profanity-laced messages and demands through bullhorns 24 hours a day. The group further disrupted the neighborhood by keeping a menagerie of animals- from dogs and cats to wild rats- around the house, leading to complaints about sanitation and health risks. Neighbors complained to police that they had been verbally and physically assaulted by MOVE members, and police reported that children living in the house were not allowed to attend school. The 1985 Bombing On May 13, 1985, Philadelphia Mayor Wilson Goode dispatched police to execute warrants for the arrest of all residents of the MOVE compound. Philadelphia Mayor W. Wilson Goode at a press conference to discuss the aftermath of the bomb. Getty Images/Leif Skoogfors When the police arrived, MOVE members refused to respond to their demands to enter the home or to allow the children to come outside. Despite the presence of children, Mayor Goode and Police Commissioner Gregore Sambor decided the situation warranted the use of â€Å"military-grade weapons† and extreme physical force as required. â€Å"Attention MOVE: This is America!† police warned over loudspeakers. After initial attacks with water barrages from fire hoses and tear gas explosions failed to drive MOVE members from the house, shooting broke out. At the height of the firefight, a Pennsylvania State Police helicopter flew over the house dropping two small â€Å"entry device† bombs made of FBI-supplied water gel explosive in an attempt to destroy MOVE’s rooftop bunker. Fed by gasoline stored in the house, a small fire caused by the bombs grew quickly. Rather than risk having firefighters caught in the ongoing crossfire, police officials decided to allow the fire to burn out. Instead of going out harmlessly, the fire spread throughout the neighborhood, destroying more than sixty homes and leaving at least 250 Philadelphians homeless. Along with the destruction of a residential neighborhood, the MOVE bombing resulted in the deaths of six adults- including MOVE founder John Africa- and five children inside the home. Ramona Africa and  13-year-old Birdie Africa  were the only two MOVE members to survive the incident.   Select Commission Finds City at Fault With most of the attack covered on live television, many people in Philadelphia and across the nation questioned the decisions made by Mayor Goode and police officials. On March 6, 1986, an independent  Philadelphia Special Investigation Commission  appointed by Goode issued a report finding that police had used â€Å"grossly negligent† tactics in committing an â€Å"unconscionable† act by â€Å"dropping a bomb on an occupied row house.† The report was highlighted by two telling findings: â€Å"The city administration discounted negotiation as a method of resolving the problem. Any attempted negotiations were haphazard and uncoordinated.† â€Å"The Mayors failure to call a halt to the operation on May 12, when he knew that children were in the house, was grossly negligent and clearly risked the lives of those children.† The commission further found that the police would have been unlikely to use similar tactics in a white neighborhood. Despite the commission’s request for a grand jury investigation, no prosecutions resulted and Mayor Goode was reelected in 1987. The Aftermath of the Bombing Ramona Africa, the only adult MOVE member to survive the bombing, was convicted of rioting and conspiracy and served seven years in prison. In 1996, a federal jury awarded Ramona Africa and the relatives of two people killed in the bombing a total of $1.5 million in damages in a civil suit judgment. The jury also found that Philadelphia officials had authorized the use of excessive force and had violated MOVE members’  4th Amendment  constitutional protections against unreasonable search and seizure. Ramona Africa (R), the lone adult survivor of the 1985 MOVE tragedy, hugs Denise Garner (L) during a commemorative march in 2005. Getty Images/William Thomas Cain The New York Times reported that the City of Philadelphia also paid over $27.3 million in legal fees and the cost of rebuilding the houses destroyed in the bombing. In addition, the MOVE group itself was paid $2.5 million to settle wrongful death suits brought on behalf of the five children who died. In 2016, Ramona Africa, who continues to serve as spokesperson for MOVE, tied the group to the  Black Lives Matter movement, asserting that cases of brutality in the police killings of black men throughout the U.S. are â€Å"happening today because it wasn’t stopped in ’85.† Sources â€Å"Who was John Africa?† The Philadelphia Inquirer. May 8, 2010â€Å"About MOVE – On a Move.† onamove.com.â€Å"Report of Philadelphia Special Investigation Commission.† University Libraries. Temple UniversityTrippett, Frank (1985-05-27). It Looks Just Like a War Zone. TIME MagazinePhiladelphia, city officials ordered to pay $1.5 million in MOVE case.† June 24, 1996. CNN.comâ€Å"Philadelphia Bombing Survivor Leaves Prison.† Archives. The New York Times

Teenage Pregnancy Essay Example

Teenage Pregnancy Essay Example Teenage Pregnancy Essay Teenage Pregnancy Essay as seen in Table 1. Thus, it appears that although a smaller percentage of teen-aged women plan their pregnancy than older women, for a substantial percentage (42. 6%) the pregnancy is unintended but not unwanted. Conceptualising and defining unplanned, unintended and unwanted pregnancies can be complex.A relatively reliable indicator of the unwantedness of a pregnancy (for whatever reason) is termination of pregnancy (TOP). Buchmann, Mensah and Pillay (2002) found the following age-related TOP rates at a hospital in Soweto, as measured over an eight-week period: 13 to16 years: 23% 17 to19 years: 14. 9% 20 to 34 years: 12. 7% 35+ years: 16. 2%. According to these statistics, more young teen-aged women have unwanted pregnancies than do older women. Low rates of termination of pregnancy (3%) were reported in the national household survey (Pettifor et al. 2005). This low level of reportage may, however, have to do with the stigma attached to termination of pregnancy. POTENTIAL CONSEQUE NCES The disruption of schooling The relationship between early pregnancy and school disruption is complicated. Data presented in Macleod (1999a) indicated that many young women who became mothers in fact left school before pregnancy. More recently, 20. 6% of the pregnant teenagers in the survey conducted by Manzini (2001) in KwaZulu-Natal had left school prior to conceiving.The 2003 General Household Survey statistics indicate that of all the females who had dropped out of school, only 13% cited pregnancy as a reason (Crouch, 2005). Nevertheless, this is higher than the 10. 3% in the household survey conducted amongst urban black youth by Richter (1996), prior to the introduction of the Schools Act, which prevents discrimination against pregnant learners. For those who leave because of pregnancy, a significant new factor may be the Department of Education? s (2007) guidelines entitled „Measures for the Prevention and Management of Learner Pregnancy? hat makes it possible for educators to „request? that learners take a leave of absence of up to two years. There are thus numerous factors, besides pregnancy, that lead to school leaving. Some of the major reasons for leaving school before the end of Grade 12 include poverty, frustration associated with the inexperience of teachers, a lack of relevance of the curriculum and teaching materials, the absence of parents at home, and the need to care for siblings or sick family members (Human Sciences Research Council, 2007).Biddecom and Bakilana? s (2003) investigation of the transition to adulthood through significant events in young people? s lives (first sex, stopping school, pregnancy, birth and union) provides a glimpse into the complexity of the sequencing of these events. The researchers conclude that adolescents seldom experience all five events during their teenage years, and that there is â€Å"more disorder than order in terms of the variety of combinations and chronological sequences of import ant social and family formation transitions† (p. 15).Studies reviewed in Macleod (1999a) indicated that a substantial minority of pregnant or mothering young women did not plan to return to school. More recent evidence gives a better picture of actual returns (as opposed to plans to return). Manzini (2001) found that 48% of young women who left school because of pregnancy returned to school. The major reason cited for not returning to school was the need to care for the child. In the survey by Grant and Hallman (2006) 29% of the 14-19 year-old women and 52% of the 20-24 year-old women who had dropped out of school had returned.With every year that passes the chance of a return to school diminishes, with very little chance of return after four years (Grant Hallman, 2006). Various reasons for drop-out and return have been explored. Lloyd (2005) ascribes the drop-out rates to the child support grants (see later discussion of the controversy regarding this). Grant and Hallman (20 06) found that prior poor school performance (e. g. non-pregnancy-related repetition of grades) and having to be the primary caregiver for the child are strongly associated with the likelihood of dropping out when pregnant.In terms of returning to school, Kaufman, De Wet and Stadler (2000) suggest that the increased bride price that accompanies higher educational status is a motivating factor for parental support in this regard. Grant and Hallman? s (2006) data suggest that young women are more likely to return to school if they have never repeated a grade or withdrawn temporarily from school before, and if they live with an adult female. The presence of older female relatives allows a young mother to relinquish domestic duties to older women and return to school.Young women who marry and move to their husband? s household may, however, have increased domestic responsibilities and there may be less support for their continued education (Matthews, et al. , 2008). Grant and Hallman? s (2006) study debunks the frequently made assumption that, were young women not to conceive, they would continue their education. They discuss the concept of disengagement from school in which young women perceive few opportunities emerging from participating in education.If there is little incentive to participate in school, there is also little incentive to avoid pregnancy. For some young women it is a rational option to leave an unsatisfactory situation at school for the role of motherhood. It is possible, however, that not only school engagement but also school attendance is a protective factor against teen pregnancy. Harrison (2008) argues that school leaving, either through dropout or completion, represents a significant change in the life circumsta nces of young women.This is supported by statistics that indicate that there is an increase in pregnancy and HIV infection after school leaving, with the proportion of 17-18 year-olds who have been pregnant being nearly four times that of 16- year-olds. Early reproduction and health The studies cited in Macleod (1999a) that had a health focus tried to tease out the obstetric outcomes of early pregnancy. Some of these studies showed increased risks, while others ascribed the risk to socio-economic status or poor antenatal care. We failed to locate any recent South African research on the obstetric outcomes of early pregnancy.Instead the focus has shifted to concerns over the increased risk for young women in terms of contracting HIV (Jewkes, Vundule, Maforah Jordaan, 2001) and the level of antenatal care young pregnant women receive. According to the 2003 SADHS, compared to pregnant women 20 to 34 years old, pregnant women under the age of 20 are more likely to receive care from a nurse or midwife than from a doctor and are more likely not to receive care at all. The components of antenatal care also reflect less adequate antenatal care for younger women compared to women in the age category of 20 to 34 years .They are less likely to be informed of the signs of pregnancy complications, to have their weight, height and blood pressure measured, to have urine and blood samples taken or to receive iron supplements. Many young women report for antenatal testing only in their second or third trimester. This should be seen in the light of the finding that late presentation for pregnancy care is a general and persistent problem in South Africa (Myer Harrison, 2003). In addition, taboos associated with teenage sexual activity, denial of paternity by a male partner and lack of nowledge regarding the importance of antenatal consultations may be reasons for late attendance (Phafoli, Van Aswegen Alberts, 2007). Women who have accessed urine pregnancy testing tend to seek care up to four weeks earlier than those who have not. Barriers to young women accessing urine pregnancy testing within the public health sector include ignorance of protocols on the part of service providers and a negative attitud e to providing pregnancy tests for teenagers on the basis that this encourages them to be sexually active (Morroni Moodley, 2006). The outcomes of early reproduction for childrenResearch reviewed in Macleod (1999a) pointed to inadequate mothering, neglect, maltreatment and abuse as consequences of early childbearing. The concern about whether these effects were owing to the age of the mother or constraints imposed by poverty were raised. Interestingly, we were not able to locate any recent research that spoke to the issue of mothering or neglect/abuse. Data, albeit contradictory (see below), is, however, available on mortality rates. The 2003 SADHS is inconsistent in terms of its reportage of mortality rates by age of mother. Table 2 below contains figures featured in Table 6. of the 2003 SADHS. (Neonatal mortality is the probability of dying within the first month of life; post-neonatal mortality is the difference between infant and neonatal mortality; infant mortality is the prob ability of dying in the first year of life; child mortality is the probability of dying between exact age one and five; under-five mortality is the probability of dying between birth and exact age five). Data in the table indicate that, on all indices, children born to mothers below the age of 20 have a lower mortality rate than those born to women between the ages of 20 and 39 years.However, the text below this table in the 2003 SADHS states that, â€Å"The relationship between maternal age and child mortality shows the expected U-shape with women younger than 20 years having higher infant and under-five mortality rates than women between 20 and 40 years of age. † This appears to be in direct contradiction to the figures presented. It is not clear which of these (the figures or the statement) is accurate. The conditions that most frequently account for infant deaths are complications in the perinatal period (22%) and low birth weight 20%). Although it is possible that these conditions are more pronounced for young women who give birth, further clarification of the above contradictory data is required. Welfare concerns – the child support grant Macleod (1999a) reported that concerns around welfare dependency were a feature of the Euro-American, but not the South African, literature on teen-aged pregnancy. This is no longer true. With the introduction of the child support grant (CSG), research on the possibility of the CSG acting as a „perverse incentive? as been conducted. The popular concern, as raised in the South African media, that young women are deliberately conceiving in order to access the CSG is supported, to a certain extent, by the PPASA (2003) survey in which it was found that 12. 1% of pregnant teen-aged women who had deliberately conceived cited the CSG as the reason. However, other research (Department of Social Development, 2006; Makiwane Udjo, 2006) concludes that there is no evidence that the CSG leads to a „pervers e incentive? to conceive.These authors base their conclusion on the following: (1) early fertility decreased after the introduction of the CSG; (2) only 20% of teen-aged mothers are beneficiaries of these grants; (3) older female relatives who take over care of the child are often beneficiaries rather than the teen-aged mothers; (4) of those who would qualify for the grant, the proportion of teen-aged mothers taking them up is considerably lower than those in older age groups; and (5) during the period in which the CSG has been offered, rates of termination of pregnancy have increased.Indeed, the fact that many young women who are eligible for the grant are not receiving it should be of concern. In general, the CSG is associated with an increase in school attendance, and improved child health and nutrition, which in turn contributes to schoolreadiness of the child, as well as extra money to pa y for school fees and uniforms (Case, Hosegood Lund, 2005). The concern about the social cost of early reproduction through teen-aged mothers depending on welfare has also been criticised within the United States. Researchers compared teen-aged mothers with teenagers who were pregnant but had a miscarriage (i. e. ho would have been mothers had the miscarriage not occurred). Their conclusions are startling, given the usual assumption in the United States that early reproduction contributes to welfare dependency. They state that if all teenagers delayed childbearing, public assistance expenditure would increase slightly and that the lifetime earnings of these women would decrease (Hotz, McElroy Sander, 1996). CONTRIBUTING FACTORS While not all pregnancies amongst young women are unplanned, and not all unplanned pregnancies are unwanted, more young women find their pregnancies problematic than do women in their middle reproductive years.It is these young women specifically who should be assisted in terms of preventing unwanted pregnancies. An understanding of the contribu tory factors (which are complex and interweaving) is required for this to occur. Knowledge and sources of knowledge Within the context of HIV, much emphasis has been placed on education about condom usage. James, Reddy, Taylor and Jinabhai (2004) found that secondary school learners in the Midlands district of KwaZulu-Natal had a high level of knowledge regarding the causes of and protection against HIV/AIDS and STIs. In studies more directly related to contraception (e. . Oni, Prinsloo, Nortje, Joubert, 2005; Richter Mlambo, 2005), young people? s knowledge has been found to be variable, with some misconceptions abounding. For example, in Rutenberg et al.? s (2001) household survey in KwaZulu-Natal, few respondents (8%) knew about the menstrual cycle and the times a woman has the greatest chance of falling pregnant. This knowledge improved slightly with age. However, 80% of their sample knew that a woman could get pregnant if she had sex only once, almost all (99%) knew of at lea st one method of family planning, and 72% could name more than two.White respondents, urban African respondents and female respondents were more likely to know of more than one method than other respondents. Research on young people? s knowledge of emergency contraception is new. Indications are that this knowledge is quite poor. Mqhayi et al. (2004) found that only 17% of the young women they interviewed at urban and rural public health clinics had heard of emergency contraception, with significantly more urban-based women knowing of its existence than rurally-based women. These trends seem to mirror the knowledge of this kind of contraception in the general population (Smit et al. 2001). Macleod (1999b) noted that: There are a number of difficulties associated with the research which investigates the reproductive ignorance hypothesis. Firstly, the implied one-to-one correspondence between reproductive ignorance and teenage pregnancy is spurious. Obviously, a lack of sexual knowled ge is not a sufficient condition for conception, nor is it even necessary (p. 8). This is now recognised by researchers. For example, Ehlers? (2003a) survey suggests that young women in Tshwane know about contraceptives, but that this knowledge is not necessarily associated with effective usage. 5. 9% of the sample of pregnant young women knew of contraceptive methods but had still conceived. Abel and Fitzgerald (2006) argue that a rational, decision- making model regarding contraceptive usage, that equates knowledge with usage, ignores contextual issues which may prevent young women, especially, from negotiating condom usage. Young men and women are exposed to messages regarding sexuality and contraception from a variety of sources. These includ e elders, peers, the mass media, and formal, institutional sources uch as life skills programmes and family planning services. Parents are enjoined by a variety of sources to speak openly to their children about sexuality and to provide sex education. Ho wever, this may be an unrealistic expectation. Similar to the research reviewed in Macleod (1999b), recent research indicates that it is generally difficult for parents to engage in this kind of interaction with their children (Madu, Kropiunigg Weckenmann, 2002). Despite these barriers, a number of interventions, such as the PPASA? s parent education programmes and loveLife? Born Free dialogues, are aimed at parents to sensitise them to the need to speak with their children about sexual matters. What is becoming clear in the literature are the nuances of interaction between parents or elders and young women. MacPhail and Campbell? s (2001) research shows that while older women provide little or no information to young women, they will assist in taking a young woman to the family planning clinic. Although some young women are informed of a link between menstruation and pregnancy, their understanding of the nature of the association remains vague.Most often young women are admonished to stay away from boys, meaning that abstinence rather than contraception is emphasised. Adult surveillance may also actively impinge on contraceptive use. Information about youths? visits to family planning clinics, and about their suspected relationships and sexual activities is passed on to relevant others, who in turn reprimand the youth in question. As with research reported in Macleod (1999b), peers are found in recent research to be a frequent source of information (Rutenberg et al. , 2001).Again, however, peer communication is viewed as a double-edged sword. While some of their messages provide valuable information, some perpetuate the mystification and silence surrounding sexual matters. In contrast to research reviewed in Macleod (1999b), research in the last decade has concentrated more on the mass media, including magazines and radio and television broadcasts. This must be viewed in the light of recent efforts such as the sexual health campaign run by lov eLife. Research indicates that these media have reasonable reach – about half the population (Rutenberg et al. 2001) – although reception may be gendered, with more males than females being exposed to the messages (Oni et al. , 2005). Exposure to messages in the mass media has been positively associated with increased condom usage (Katz, 2006). Formal, institutional sources of knowledge, where operational, appear also to be effective in terms of imparting knowledge. For example, life skills education in schools has been shown to be of some benefit in terms of promoting sexual and reproductive health knowledge and perceived condom self-efficacy (Magnani et al. 2005). Nevertheless, there is still some way to go, and implementation appears to be uneven. For example, teenagers in Bushbuckridge, Limpopo, stated that they had not received school education that enabled them to understand sexual intercourse, sexually transmitted diseases, contraception, negotiation of sexual r elationships, and the difficulties of single parenthood (Richter Mlambo, 2005). Use of contraceptives It appears that some inroads are being made in terms of contraception use amongst teenagers.Moultrie and McGrath (2007) report from the Demographic Surveillance Site in rural KwaZulu-Natal that between 2000 and 2005 the proportion of young people who had e ver had sex remained relatively constant, but that contraceptive usage increased significantly. Simbayi, Chauveau and Shisana (2004) report a similar trend of increased contraceptive usage in their national survey as compared to findings from the 1990s. Dinkelman, Lam and Leibbrandt (2007) found a significant increase in condom usage and a decrease in multiple partners between 2002 and 2005 amongst women aged 17 to 22 years surveyed in the Cape Area Panel Study.Although contraception usage appears to be increasing, this varies considerably depending on a number of factors, including location and education. According to the 2003 S ADHS, women in rural areas and in the Eastern Cape and Mpumalanga, and those with lower levels of education, reported the lowest condom use. These trends are confirmed by Mqhayi et al.? s (2004) comparative study of rural and urban public health facility users, and by Kaufman, Clark, Manzini and May? s (2004) survey in KwaZulu-Natal.Factors that prevent the use of contraceptives that were reported in recent research are similar to those listed in Macleod (1999b). These include perceived lack of risk, peer norms, gender power relations (MacPhail Campbell, 2001), lack of availability and access, fear of adult attitudes to contraceptive usage, and the economic context of adolescent sexuality (Ehlers, 2003a). Research is beginning to tease out the nuances regarding contraceptive usage. For example, using condoms at sexual debut and speaking to partners about condoms have been reported as indicators of condom use at the respondents? ost recent sexual interaction (Hendriksen, Pettifor, L ee, Coates Rees, 2007), with one survey finding that younger respondents were less likely to speak to their partners than older ones (Manzini, 2001). Garenne et al.? s (2001) research in the Agincourt subdistrict of Limpopo Province shows that contraceptive usage increases significantly amongst young women after first birth. Data from the SADHS shows that youth are currently more willing to use contraceptives prior to first birth than previous cohorts of women. As indicated above, research on emergency contraceptives is new.I n the study by Mqhayi et al. (2004) only two out of 193 women had used emergency contraception, although 39% reported having had unprotected sex in the last year although they did not wish to conceive. Timing of first sexual intercourse and age of sexual partner The average age of sexual debut reported in recent research is somewhat older than that reported in Macleod (1999b), where the average reported age at first coitus was around 14 years. In the 2003 SADH S, the median age of first intercourse is reported consistently across all age groups to be around 18 years, in Pettifor et al.? (2005) nationally representative survey it is around 17 years, and in Simbayi, Chauveau and Shisana? s (2004) nationally representative survey, 16. 5 years. In the 1998 SADHS survey 46% of women reported that their first sexual encounter occurred before the age of 18. This percentage dropped to 42% in the 2003 SADHS survey, indicating a possible general trend in delaying first intercourse. Despite this, early sexual debut is a feature for a sizable minority of young teenagers. Factors affecting sexual debut, including education, provincial location, race, and orphan status, are elucidated more learly in recent research than in that reported in Macleod (1999b). According to the 2003 SADHS, there is a difference of one to three years in age at first sex between the lowest and highest education groups. The provinces reporting the lowest age of sexual debut ar e the Eastern Cape and Mpumalanga. The percentage of reported first sex by age 15 was lower among whites, Indians and coloureds than among Africans. Urban versus non-urban location did not make any difference. In a separate study, it was found that orphaned teenagers had an earlier sexual debut than non-orphans (Thurman, Brown, Richter, Maharaj Magnani, 2006).The age difference between partners and the possibility of transactional sex has gained more attention in recent research than was reported in Macleod (1999b). Jewkes, Vundule, Maforah and Jordaan (2001) report a mean difference of 5. 1 years in age between pregnant young women and their current partners in their sample of young women in Cape Town. This differed significantly from a comparison group of young women who were not pregnant, where the mean difference in age between partners was 4 years. Dunkle et al. (2007) report that 17. % of male participants in their study aged 15 to 26 admitted to engaging in transactional sex , and that a male partner was more likely to perpetrate genderbased violence within the context of a transactional sexual relationship. Factors affecting contraceptive use and risky sexual behaviour Macleod (1999b) reported that: The South African research on risk-taking behaviour is mostly descriptive in nature. Researchers in the United States have extended this to investigating the factors associated with risk-taking behaviour and to developing cognitively based theoretical models which may account for this behaviour in certain adolescents (p. 0). This has changed in the last 10 years with researchers analysing and theorising factors associated with sexual risk taking. This is possibly owing to the increased research into young people? s sexual behaviour in the light of the HIV epidemic. Brook, Morojele, Zhang and Brook (2006) researched the multiple pathways to risky sexual behaviour amongst young people through studying the relationship between what they call the proximal facto rs (personality, emotional status and behavioural tendencies), intermediate factors (parent-teenager relationship, peer influence) and distal factors (socioeconomic conditions).Their conclusion is complex, but illustrates the important role that poverty plays in sexual behaviour: The first pathway showed that poverty is related to a weak parent-child relationship, which in turn is related to vulnerable personality and behavioral attributes. Vulnerable personality and behavioural attributes are then observed to be related to associating with deviant peers, which in turn is related to risky sexual behaviour. The second pathway demonstrated that poverty is related to associating with deviant peers, which in turn is linked to vulnerable personality and behavioral attributes and risky sexual behaviour.A reciprocal relationship was observed between associating with deviant peers and having vulnerable personality and behavioural attributes. The third and fourth pathways show that family po verty and deviant peers are directly associated with risky sexual behaviours. †¦ There was no direct link between personality and behavioral risk factors and risky sexual behavior, but we found that this relationship †¦ was mediated by associating with deviant peers (p. 270).Researchers have used a range of social cognitive theories to explain sexual risk behaviour at a personal and interpersonal level amongst young people. For example, Jemmott et al. (2007) found that adolescents who had positive attitudes to condoms and positive behavioural control beliefs (i. e. believed they could use condoms effectively) had firmer intentions to use condoms than their peers. Bryan, Kagee and Broaddus (2006) found HIV knowledge and positive outlook (self-esteem and future optimism) to be associated with the intention to use condoms.The theory of planned behaviour holds that the intention to use condoms is the main determinant of actual use, an assertion that is supported by the researc h of Bryan, Kagee and Broaddus (2006). Boer and Mashamba (2007) found a gender difference in the psychosocial correlates of intention to use condoms. Among the males in their sample, attitude to condoms and subjective norms (perception of the normative beliefs of significant others and motivation to comply with these norms) were associated with intended condom use, while for females attitude to condom and self-efficacy were related to intended condom use.They relate this difference to the gender power imbalances prevalent in many young people? s lives, which means that young women need to have high levels of self-efficacy in order to negotiate condom use within a sexual relationship. S imilarly, Sayles et al. (2006) found that respondents with high self-efficacy engaged in fewer sexual risk behaviours. Perception of risk has been argued to play a role in sexual behaviour. It appears that the threat of contracting HIV is currently a significant factor in motivating young people to us e condoms (Varga, 2000).Despite this, the calculation of costs versus benefits may sway young people towards non-use of condoms. For some youth, decreased physical pleasure and fears of physical consequences (e. g. condom getting stuck in the womb) mitigates against consistent usage of condoms (James et al. , 2004; Varga, 2000). Beliefs concerning what using a condom means are also a factor. Young women? s carrying of condoms or insistence on their use during sex may be seen as a sign of promiscuity, infidelity, or HIV infection.This negativity does not extend to males (Varga, 2000). Harrison, Xaba and Kunene (2001) suggest that male youths understand condoms as something to be used within a casual relationship, while female youths see them as a signal of love and trustworthiness. Varga (2000), however, notes an overarching perception that condoms threaten trust and intimacy between partners. At an interpersonal level, messages from significant others and the ability of young people to negotiate with their partners about contraception have come under the spotlight.Boer and Westhoff (2006) indicate that communication concerning condoms is evident from both strong ties and weak ties within young people? s social networks. However, the level of positivity varied widely, with the most positive messages coming from teachers, mothers, and close friends, and negative messages coming from teachers propagating abstinence and from close friends. Their research indicates that young people tend to conform to messages (either positive or negative) if these messages are provided by strong social ties, but not if they are provided by weak social ties. Violent and coercive sexual relationshipsDunkle et al. (2004) found in their sample of women attending antenatal clinics in Soweto that over half of the women aged 15 to 30 had experienced physical and/or sexual violence from male intimate partners, with nearly one-third reporting incidences in the previous 12 months. Another s urvey, conducted by the PPASA in six provinces, found that 20% of teenaged females reported forced sexual encounters or had been sexually assaulted. While the research on violent and coercive sexual relations appeared in the review by Macleod (1999b), more is now understood concerning its relation to early sexual debut and early pregnancy.For example, Dunkle et al. (2004) found that the median age of first intercourse amongst their participants was 17 years. However, 97% of women who reported first intercourse before 13 years, and 26. 7% of those reporting at the ages of 13 and 14 years also reported non-consent to coitus. Data confirming forced or coerced sexual debut is provided by Rutenberg et al. (2001) and Jewkes and Abrahams (2002). Jewkes et al. (2001) found that the partners of pregnant young women in their sample were more likely to be older, to not be in school and to have multiple girlfriends than the partners of non-pregnant young women.The pregnant women experienced sig nificantly more violence in their relationships and were more likely to have been forced to have sex for the first time. Similar to research reported in Macleod (1999b), the gender dynamics underpinning coercive sex have received attention in recent research. Varga (2000) contends that gender ideology enforces double standards in behaviour and inhibits the ability of young women to negotiate with a partner. Constructions of masculinity in part rely on sexual performance, particularly the construction of isoka, a dominant and sexually vigorous version of masculinity.However, the threat of HIV seems to have diminished this norm, with young men reporting being more cautious than in previous studies. Jewkes and Christofides (2008) suggest that paternity is so important to masculinity, that some young men might actively seek an opportunity to father a child. Cultural factors Macleod (1999b) reported that the exploration of cultural factors in relation to teen-aged pregnancy fell into two broad camps – the breakdown of tradition and the cultural value placed on fertility. The first of these has received less attention in the last 10 years.The practice of vaginal inspection, which was reported as one of the traditional practices that was being broken down, has, however, been debated. Recent initiatives have attempted to use this rite to promote abstinence from sexual intercourse and as a means of avoiding STIs and pregnancy. Maluleke (2003) argues that while there is reason to believe that the rite can be used to pass on valuable information regarding reproductive health to young women, it is a gendered cultural institution. The procedure is seen as demeaning to the women who are tested, and as a violation of personal privacy.There are also possible unintended outcomes, including older men seeking out younger women because of their potential virginity and low HIV risk status (Simbayi, Chauveau Shisana, 2004). The cultural value placed on fertility has receive d less attention, although PrestonWhyte (1999) and Jewkes and Christofides (2008) discuss the issue. They indicate that women of all ages in most African societies experience pressure to have children. Importance is placed on fertility and procreation, such that young women may be labelled as barren if they do not conceive. Pregnancy is understood as the epitome of womanhood.Childbirth may be regarded as a rite of passage, and thus raises the status of a young woman. Furthermore, pregnancy is valued by young African women for the meaning it imparts to re lationships. In the context of multiple relationships, an acknowledged pregnancy may strengthen bonds between partners. Health service provision Macleod (1999b) reported on research which found that access to service provision was difficult for young people. There seems to be some change in this, although there are still difficulties. The majority of participants in MacPhail and Campbell? (2001) research reported obtaining their con doms from the local clinic. In a national sample of adolescent mothers (Ehlers, 2003b), the majority reported waiting only 30 minutes to receive assistance at a family planning clinic, and 86% experienced nurses as being very helpful. The Department of Health? s National Adolescent Friendly Clinic Initiative (NAFCI) was begun in 1999 and works with service providers to improve the quality of health care for young people. Research has identified changes in the perceptions of youth when a clinic has received NAFCI support (Dickson, Ashton Smith, 2007).However, this is not universal and access to condoms is especially difficult for young women who have to negotiate the negative attitudes of nurses at some local clinics (MacPhail Campbell, 2001). CONCLUSION A number of shifts in focus with regards to research on the consequences and contributory factors of teen-aged pregnancy are evident in this review. Researchers no longer pontificate about the obstetric outcomes of teen-aged pregna ncy, but rather concentrate on the services that are provided to young women.The mothering capabilities of young women do not feature as a research question, although (contradictory) data on infant and child mortality rates are available. Relationship difficulties with family of origin and partner, which were reported on in Macleod (1999a) are no longer really an issue. Demographic concerns have disappeared from the radar screen, but welfare concerns have emerged with the introduction of the CSG. Disruption of schooling remains a topic of debate with respect to the outcomes of early pregnancy. Reproductive knowledge, the source of knowledge, sexual debut and the use of contraceptives remain as central points of focus.Researchers seem to have lost interest in expounding early menarche, psychological problems, family structure, and peer influence as contributory factors, all factors that featured in the research reported in Macleod (1999b). Coercive sex and cultural issues remain of i nterest to researchers, although more nuance is evident in the former and less in the latter. The level of health service provision, as a contributory factor, continues to be an important area of focus. In general, we feel that the quality, depth and breadth of the research have improved over the last ten years.This is as a result of (1) the nationally representative as well as localised health surveys being conducted, (2) researchers? teasing out of the nuances surrounding particular issues (such as school return; CSG; interactions between young people and elders around sexual issues, condom usage, and coercive sex) and (3) increased levels of theorising around particular issues. The data that we have access to and the engagement of researchers with the complexities of issues arguably provides a much better basis for thinking through, planning and implementing interventions. Teenage Pregnancy Essay Example Teenage Pregnancy Essay Teenage Pregnancy Essay Essay Topic: Teenage Pregnancy The problem of teenage pregnancy is usually seen as a controversial issue, which affects not just the mother and her child but society as a whole. Teenage pregnancy happens among women under age 20. This problem is not limited to culture, religion, education or moral values and beliefs. Here are some facts: Every year almost a million teenage girls become pregnant. The U. S. A has double the adolescent pregnancy and birth rates than any industrialized country. One- third of the girls who became pregnant as teenagers keep their babies (Teenage pregnancy, Robert T. Brown, 2002). What are the causes of teenage pregnancy? What do parents do wrong? In this essay, I would like to present some of the causes and effects of teenage pregnancy. There are three main factors that have an influence on teenage pregnancy: media, family and wanted pregnancy. The Media is one of the factors that could diminish the sexual risk that adolescents take. However, a lot of advertisement and entertainment are obsessed with sex but they usually do not show the negative consequences of sex. People on TV or movies are depicted as having sex without consequences, which leads to young people thinking that sex is safe and they do not have to worry about the consequences of their acts. Family is the most important thing for many people. But in the last decade, people started to spend most of their time at work. As a result of this change they do not have time for their children. The absence of communication leads to loneliness and unhappiness in their children. They do not feel loved so they start looking for love somewhere else. Many of the adolescents are not particularly developed to make decisions based on reasoned understanding of the future consequences of their actions. This is called immaturity (Teenage pregnancy, Robert T. Brown, 2002) Young people also have a feeling of being protected from risky behaviour. They hope that anything bad will not happen to them. This personal myth leads to unprotected sexual activity, with all it’s consequences. (Teenage pregnancy, Robert T. Brown, 2002)Girls in teen age are more sensitive about things that are happening around them. They often feel lonely and upset. Low self-system is often connected with depression. This may lead to sexual activity, alcoholism or drug addiction. Girls who grow up without father have a tendency to look for older man who can give them the feeling of being loved and protected. Teenage pregnancy, Robert T. Brown, 2002)Wanted pregnancy is a special type of teen pregnancy. Girls become pregnant because they really want to. They want to make their partners happy or they expect that the baby will give them love. Other girls see peers in their social circles having a baby. And because the government contributes certain amounts of money f or children, they can see the material benefit for themselves and their families (Teenage pregnancy, Robert T. Brown, 2002)The effects of teenage pregnancy are not limited to having to decide whether or not to keep the baby. The pregnancy influences society, the mother’s health, finances and emotions. One of the biggest problem are finances: Most working mothers who have had children too early are not qualified enough to get a better paying job. The amount of money they earn is sufficient only for survival. It leads to cheap, unhealthy food, unsanitary houses and poorly equipped school for children and defective medical care. A single mother is also forced to pay bills and utilities as others but in her case it is a big problem. Inability to support her child and pay bills causes physical and mental stress. Dealing with an unplanned pregnancy has a great impact on a girl’s psyche and emotions. It is not just about changes in her body: there are other factors which a teenage mother has to deal with. This includes frustration, initial excitement, fear, resentment or confusion. Young mothers become overwhelmed with the pressure of supporting their children financially. Children suffer for the mistakes of their parents. Children raised by teenage parents start their lives with a handicap. They are automatically placed in the lower class. Children become lonely and confused. Many of these children end up having their own children at an early age. Because of poor education they end up in dead-end jobs, jail or joblessness. (The effects of teen pregnancy on children, Waltohar)In developed countries, teenage pregnancy usually happens outside of marriage, and for this reason it is viewed as a social stigma in many communities and cultures. By contrast, in societies were teen parents are wed pregnancy is welcomed by the family and society. However, in these societies, early pregnancy may combine with malnutrition and poor health care to cause medical problems (Teenage pregnancy, Wikipedia 2006)The most immediate effects of pregnancy are changes in the body. A teen’s body immediately starts the process of adaptation and for preparation for childbirth. A teenager needs to consider the effects of activities on a baby. Because activities common for teenagers, such as drinking alcohol, smoking cigarettes, lack of sleep or unhealthy eating can have an impact on a growing child. Complications in pregnancy and childbirth are the leading cause of mortality among young girls. There are several factors which could help to solve this problem. Sexual education can teach effective contraception if teenagers choose to have a sex. It educates people about the risks of alcohol, drugs and unprotected sex. In my opinion, however, the most important thing is that parents should realize that they provide for young people during their teen years and that they should find time for talk with their children.

Guide to Using ACT Practice Tests 20 Hour Prep

Guide to Using ACT Practice Tests 20 Hour Prep SAT / ACT Prep Online Guides and Tips If you only have a short time left to study for the ACT, using official practice tests can help you raise your scores quickly. In this article, I'll take you through a 20-hour ACT prep plan thatuses official practice tests to hone your skills on the test. This approach willshow youexactly what you can expect on test day and helpyou to identify and address the most pressing weaknesses in your test-taking strategy. Below, I've broken down the most effective way to get the swiftly get the greatest benefitfrompracticing with official ACTs, as well as explained the benefits and drawbacks of this type of prep program. Why Are ACT Practice Tests Good for Short Term Prep? Practice tests are the best study tools for students who are less familiar with standardized tests and have limited time to prepare.You will experience the largest point gains in the shortest time through the use of practice tests.Familiarity with the overall test format and time constraints will help students who are new to the ACT improve their scores more dramatically than practicing individual questions in isolation. Understanding and fixing your mistakes on practice tests is the number one way to improve your scores.If you can be honest with yourself about what you’re missing and take steps to counteract your most costly errors, you’ll be well on your way to a great ACT score. How to Prep for the ACT in 20 Hours Using Practice Tests The following is a basic outline of how you can use 20 hours and three official practice tests to prepare yourself for the ACT. You can always spend more or less time reviewing your practice test results depending on how much time you have before the real test! Step 1: Take an Initial Practice Test (4 Hours) You should take an official ACT practice test right off the bat so you can figure out your score level and main weaknesses.Make sure that you use the same time constraints as the real test, and set yourself up in a distraction-free environment with the appropriate supplies.Don’t take the test on a computer; it won’t be the same experience as a paper-based test. You should always print out practice tests!See this article for more information on how to simulate realistic testing conditions. Be prepared with plenty of sharpened pencils that havenice robust erasers. Look at them. Beautiful. Step 2: Review Your Mistakes (4 Hours) Now for the hard part - understanding your mistakes on the practice test and fixing them!You don’t have that much time, so you won’t be able to go super in-depth with what you’re missing, but there are lots of quick fixes you can implement that will result in significant point gains.Notice which sections gave you the most trouble. Your mistakes might fall into a few different categories.Here are some issues that students commonly run into on the ACT and strategies dealing with them: Time Management Problems If you couldn’t finish a section of the test, you have problems with time management.These issues are common for students who are new to the ACT, and can usually be resolved through strategy changes. Since the ACT is a fairly predictable test, you can make a plan in advance to tackle your time problems. As an overall strategy, you should learn to skip questions that you spend more than 30 seconds trying to figure out.Lingering on difficult questions can be very damaging to your scores.If you spend too much time on hard questions early on in a section, you may miss easier questions at the end and sacrifice points. It’s very common for students to run out of time on the Reading section of the ACT because the passages are so long.If this is the case for you, you might try changing your reading strategy.Skimming or reading the questions first rather than reading the passage closely can save a lot of time.Read this article for more information on passage reading strategies. Since the ACT always includes passages in the same topic order, you can also try reading the passage in the topic area where you feel most confident first.For example, the natural sciences passage is always last, but you could skip right to it and do those questions first if science is a strength of yours.This way, you won’t run out of time before you get to the types of questions that are easier for you. If the science section is giving you trouble, you might try reading the conflicting viewpoints passage last.This passage often ruins people’s pace on the science section because it involves more reading and takes up more time than the other data-driven passages.If you save it for last, you won’t be forced to rush on other parts of the Science section that might be easier for you. You can also read our other articles for more tips on how to avoid running out of timeon the ACT. This will be an accurate depiction of you taking the ACT once you overcome your time problems. Careless Mistakes If you find that careless mistakes are an issue for you, there are a couple of steps you can take to get a better handle on them.A careless mistake is a mistake that happened because you didn’t read carefully enough or were rushing through the question.You should have known the answer, but you answered incorrectly anyways. To reduce instances of careless mistakes, you should always double-check your answers at the end of each section.You should also try to read more carefully and avoid rushing.On the Math section, you can underline what the problem wants you to solve for so that you don’t get lost in your calculations.You can also underline key words in Reading and Science questions to keep yourself on track. Lack of Content Knowledge Did you notice that you struggled in a particular content area on the practice test? Since you only have four hours to review your mistakes, you may not be able to fix your content weaknesses completely.That being said, small issues with content can be fixed with minimal study time. Since the ACT doesn’t give you math formulas, it will be useful for you to memorize any formulas you forgot that may have caused you to lose points.You can also brush up on some grammar rules if you had issues on the English section.If there’s a very large area of knowledge that you’re missing, don’t try to learn all of it now. Focus on more superficial issues that will allow you to gain back the most points in the shortest amount of time. Don't break out the heavy duty study materials for your gaps in content knowledge if you only have 20 hours. Zero in on the easy fixes. Step 3: Repeat Steps 1 and 2 (8 Hours) After you’ve evaluated your mistakes on the first practice test and developed a new strategy, you should take a second test to see where you stand.Then, you can repeat the process of analyzing and fixing your mistakes.If you find that you’ve improved significantly, that’s great! You may be making different mistakes now, so reassess your strengths and weaknesses and work on adapting your strategy.If you haven’t improved, you should look at how you reacted to your mistakes on the previous test. Try working with alternate strategies to combat your weaknesses. Step 4: Take a Final Practice Test (4 Hours) After the second round of testing and evaluation, you should take one last practice test before the real ACT.Make sure you use all the strategies you came up with in your review sessions. The extra practice will help to ensure that your performance on the real test is consistent with your current practice test results. Total Time: 20 hours! Yes! You did it! Will 20 Hours Be Enough Study Time for You? You can certainly improve your ACT scores in twenty hours, but for students who need to make significant changes of more than 2 or 3 points it may not be ideal.For example, if you hope to improve your scores by 6 points, 80 hours might be a more realistic estimate of how much study time you need to reach your goal. See this article on how long you should study for the ACT to get a better idea of how to plan out your time.If you’re not sure of your goals yet, read about how to find your target score. Even if you plan on studying for a longer period, going through the 20 hour study plan can be a helpful way to assess your problems and get in some good practice.You can spend more time in the mistake evaluation and strategy revision phase if you plan on studying for longer than 20 hours.You might decide to take an extra practice test or two as well so that you can keep revising your strategies to keep pace with your point improvements.To learn more about why studying for the ACT is worthwhile and how it will help you in the future, read some of our free guides and other resources! What's Next? Are you worried about your low ACT scores? Learn more about some of the best ACT strategies for low scorers who are hoping to improve! Procrastination when prepping for standardized tests is a common problem. Find out how you can beat it! If you're looking for basic tips to improve your ACT scores quickly, read about these 15 mini-strategies that can make a big difference. Want to improve your ACT score by 4 points?We have the industry's leading ACT prep program. Built by Harvard grads and ACT full scorers, the program learns your strengths and weaknesses through advanced statistics, then customizes your prep program to you so you get the most effective prep possible. Check out our 5-day free trial today:

Partnership Building for Social Capital Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 2000 words

Partnership Building for Social Capital - Essay Example (Whelan, 1999) Various organizations like the London Sustainable Development Commission are of the belief that there are a number of gaps and issues that need to be looked into in order to provide more comprehensive facilities for these areas. These issues and gaps are in respect of the regular provisions that are made for the people on a day to day basis. Lack of resources is a major problem apart from faulty resource allocation of already scarce resources. (Elsdon, 1998) This is where partnership building comes into play. Manpower acquisition and allocation is another major issue for which widespread recruitment of volunteers and other employees needs to be carried out with a special focus on interns from the creation of awareness and psychological field. Further, apart from the financial problems, there is a lack of specialist services that will cater to these issues and find out the key problem areas that will help curb the problem of lack of development and focus on the detrimental effects of such lack on the region as a whole. (Whelan, 1999) These services must be available to carry out widespread work with the families and other people related to the region. Further, these services must have the strong backing of management tools so as to develop the plans and implementation process in a strategic fashion. This points strongly to partnership building. (Lsdc, 2006) Further, these strategies for partnership building need to operate at a regional and local level so as to bring maximum benefit to maximum people, owing to the fact that most people from socially deprived areas in East London, are unaware of the national policies in most matters. Purpose and Advantages of Instigating Partnerships: Placement of the right man at the right place, at the right time. A study of the motions and material handling practices within the organization or situation, so as to find the fastest and easiest way of carrying out an activity. The implementation of cost accounting in all areas of operation, tactical and strategic activities. De centralization of responsibility and authority so as to place a group of men under the supervision of one commander per area of operation. To create room for four to eight functional officers who will take care of various aspects of the overall task, so as to ensure that each sub task is carried out as regards minimum motion and cost per person. (Ervitt et al, 1994) The creation and use of partnerships in an effective manner can be furthered through adequate training and development tactics even when there is no incident. This can be done as follows: ( i ) Definition of specific knowledge requirements - this stage to examines the skills and knowledge level that is required to be developed within the overall social system in order to meet the new objectives identified by the training needs. This helps the management gain perspective as to which kind of training strategy will be the most effective one when adopted for the situation at hand. (Lsdc,

The representation of Chicanos in films Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 500 words

The representation of Chicanos in films - Essay Example The depiction of Chicanos as gang bandits is unfair.The Chicanos incorporated the style to invoke change regarding other people’s perception. These messages affirmed traces of change. The article states that stereotyping affects a wide range of ethnicities and not necessarily Chicanos. All ethnic groups have cultures that show that their dirt, vile and uncivilized practices. The article attributes the fishing of compliments in movies as a cause of the negative stereotyping. Amongst Mexican Americans, the expression of self-derogatory occurs through scatological joking (Noriega 185). The reaction towards rebellion emanate through jokes. Individuals found it more comfortable to attack stereotypes against minorities through comedy. Chicanos show resistance against the negative image depiction in US movies through creation of informational lyrics in their films. The article praises Chola as a culture that that portrays fierceness and subversion. Most artists embrace the Chola style to invoke feminine fierceness and rebellion. In this article, the incorporation of Cholas has a significance of exemplifying remarkable strength and artistic independence that is relevant for survival in a society, especially in the existent of racism that has thwarted a society’s social mobility. The power in cholas is evident in their capability to deal with gangsters, warfare, poverty, and violence. The article affirms in cultural appropriations that the Chola tradition signifies struggle and tough life in gaining identity (Fregoso 322).

(ZPICS), (RAC) and Healthcare Fraud Waste and Abuse Research Paper

(ZPICS), (RAC) and Healthcare Fraud Waste and Abuse - Research Paper Example Fundamentally, the practice of auditing started with the concept of oversight in which conventional Medicare auditing commenced with the practice of peer review organizations, commonly known as quality improvement organizations (QIOs) as was formerly established in 1982; and this program was designed to improve both efficiency and quality of Medicare services to the relevant patients; after this enactment, four major areas of Medicare were chosen for the purpose of scrutiny: care transitions, beneficiary protection, prevention and patient safety ((Blumen and Lenderman, 2010). the important legislation in the form of Medicare Modernization Act (MMA) was signed by George W. Bush on December 8, 2003 (About CMS, n.d.). In the following parts of this paper, first, background information has been provided in which basic information about healthcare system, fraud and abuse definitions have been given. It is followed by development segment in which more detailed view of the ZPICS and RACS ha ve been included. Subsequent to that, the HEAT uses have been elaborated in which examples pertaining to HEAT program and efficiency for delivering or satisfying the ultimate objectives of CMS. After this segment, impact section has been included in which the practical effort of these programs on the ground practices has been detailed. Before the summary part, strengths and weaknesses of these programs with regard to fraud, abuse and waste have been elucidated.